Cyrus Parsa

Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Boris Yeltsin was elected as the first President of the Russian Federation. He played a significant role in the disintegration of the USSR and the transition to “democracy,” and was perceived in the West as a democratic and acceptable figure.

During the Bolshevik regime, a new class of capitalists emerged in Russia. They amassed incredible wealth through black markets, collusion, state support, systematic corruption, and exploitation of various rents, investing heavily in foreign banks. Yeltsin, with his economic “shock therapy” policies, opened the doors to private sector investors and issued licenses for the privatization of various industries that were previously under state control.

This resulted in thieves, bandits, and the oligarchs who had amassed wealth during the Soviet era, becoming the owners of important former state industries, marking the beginning of the new oligarchs’ saga.

“Oligarch” is a Greek term meaning “rule of the few”; it signifies that power lies in the hands of capital. Where there is money and capital, true power resides. Consequently, these newly wealthy thieves assisted Yeltsin in staying in power and, in return, enjoyed special privileges and rents, to the extent that they loaned Yeltsin’s government money to win his second term, effectively becoming the owners of the state.

“Putin” is a product of the capital of these oligarchs. However, after coming to power, he agreed with them under the condition that they would stay out of politics and not challenge his authority. Now, think of our occupied Iran.

In today’s Iranian economy, the private sector essentially does not exist; the state owns all industries. Every profitable sector is entirely under state control, and the state, in turn, is entirely subservient to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) mafia.

Rarely does one find an Iranian capitalist who has amassed wealth through honest and honorable activities. Capital is in the hands of the IRGC, the IRGC serves the ideology of Khomeinism, and the capitalists are easily manipulated by the IRGC mafia.

The class of “Aghazadehs” (elite offspring) is the product of 45 years of socialist economic policies, entangled in corruption and rent-seeking, and they are the plunderers of Iran’s national wealth. Most of them live in the West, investing their ill-gotten gains in industry, trade, and Western banks, out of reach of the Iranian people.

Their only similarity with their fathers is their dependency on power and loyalty to the ideals of the great upheaval. Hence, they are indistinguishable to the naked eye. They dress, speak, and behave like ordinary people.

To maintain their power and influence, this group rides every wave of protest and revolution of the Iranian people. They engage in political activities, ostensibly oppose the regime, and speak of democracy. They have powerful lobbies, close friends in the media and civil institutions, and even significant political circles, presenting a fabricated narrative of the Iranian people’s demands.

Secular democracy is lethal to them, the people’s right to choose is deadly to them, and they cannot stand against the will and determination of the Iranian people. As the return of the Pahlavi dynasty is tied to meritocracy, freedom, transparency, justice, economic prosperity, and the end of kleptocracy, they expend all their resources to wage a full-time battle against the exiled monarch.

They are inherently deceitful and cunning, adapting to the times. During the Mahsa Amini uprising, they shouted “Woman, Life, Freedom,” and today, as nationalism has gained the trust of the people in the political sphere, they introduce themselves as “nationalists.” However, there is a significant obstacle on their path filled with lies: the exiled monarch and the revered name of Pahlavi. Unable to deceive, bribe, or threaten Pahlavi, they must find a way to bypass Pahlavi to become the true power holders in a post-Islamic Republic Iran.

We have read the history of the birth and demise of the Soviet Union and the rise of Putin. We are familiar with the grim fate of the people of China, North Korea, and the unfortunate nations of South America. Now that the bell tolls for the fall of the regime, we feel responsible, as Iranian citizens, to stand by the monarch and the will and desires of the Iranian people.

The Islamic Republic is a multi-headed entity, but all parts are connected to a single brain; the IRGC is the most formidable and intricate mafia currently in existence. This terrorist organization is the shadow government behind the shadow government! In the dark rooms behind the scenes, it seeks a way to continue its existence, even if this future no longer involves the cover of the Islamic Republic.

This terrifying network, which not only possesses human resources, military force, weapons, and missiles but also controls the unspoken wealth of the Iranian people, has thus become an unparalleled power. The manufactured opposition, the showcase opposition groups, the manufactured dissidents, and the permissible protests and oppositions are all the intelligence and counterintelligence tactics of this vast apparatus to steer and control unpredicted overthrow movements.

This terrorist organization sees no force opposing it except the monarch. Absolutely no one, no institution, no political group or party other than the revered name of Pahlavi has the strength to confront and overpower this security apparatus. Therefore, in its final effort to discredit and eliminate the monarch, the IRGC laid the security trap of the Solidarity Council, which was rendered futile by the wisdom and acumen of the Shah.

The IRGC knows that the Islamic Republic has reached the end of its road. It has heard the cry of nationalism tied to the name Pahlavi within the country. It no longer has hope in its left-wing manufactured opposition, as they have all been discredited and exposed.

This is where it turns to permissible nationalism, which, for example, manifested in the empty and populist slogans of the recent election show by the reformists or through its lobbies like NIAC, it clings to this concept in a frantic battle against Pahlavi.

The nationalism envisaged by the regime rides on the affectionate sentiments of citizens towards their homeland. It is devoid of substance and inherently malevolent, populist, evil, and consumptive. It hijacks the people’s love for their country and spends it on its Ummah. It speaks of national sovereignty and yet offers the country for plunder to China and Russia.

Permissible nationalism speaks of a national government while seeking Shia caliphate, preferring the Muslim Ummah over the Iranian nation thousands of times over. Therefore, it hands over the nation’s resources to its Shia proxy forces in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, and Yemen.

Thus, the Iranian citizen cannot have hope or faith in anyone but the exiled monarch to take the helm of the national revolution. He is the only individual worthy of the people’s trust and the key to their liberation from the clutches of the occupying rulers.